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Later the term became used more widely. Today, according to the UN, any kind of private organization that is independent from government control can be termed an "NGO", provided it is not-for-profit, non-prevention, [ clarification needed ] but not simply an opposition political party. One characteristic these diverse organizations share is that their non-profit status means they are not hindered by short-term financial objectives.

Accordingly, they are able to devote themselves to issues which occur across longer time horizons, such as climate change, malaria prevention, or a global ban on landmines.

Public surveys reveal that NGOs often enjoy a high degree of public trust, which can make them a useful - but not always sufficient - proxy for the concerns of society and stakeholders. Apart from "NGO", there are alternative or overlapping terms in use, including: As a result, a long list of additional acronyms has developed, including:. Examples include improving the state of the natural environment , encouraging the observance of human rights , improving the welfare of the disadvantaged, or representing a corporate agenda.

However, there are a huge number of such organizations and their goals cover a broad range of political and philosophical positions. This can also easily be applied to private schools and athletic organizations. Track II dialogue, or Track II diplomacy, is transnational coordination that involves non-official members of the government including epistemic communities as well as former policy-makers or analysts.

Track II diplomacy aims to get policymakers and policy analysts to come to a common solution through discussions by unofficial means. Unlike the Track I diplomacy where government officials, diplomats and elected leaders gather to talk about certain issues, Track II diplomacy consists of experts, scientists, professors and other figures that are not involved in government affairs.

The members of Track II diplomacy usually have more freedom to exchange ideas and come up with compromises on their own.

There are numerous classifications of NGOs. The typology the World Bank uses divides them into Operational and Advocacy. Generally, NGOs act as implementers, catalysts, and partners. Firstly, NGOs act as implementers in that they mobilize resources in order to provide goods and services to people who are suffering due to a man-made disaster or a natural disaster.

Secondly, NGOs act as catalysts in that they drive change. They have the ability to 'inspire, facilitate, or contribute to improved thinking and action to promote change'. Lastly, NGOs often act as partners alongside other organizations in order to tackle problems and address human needs more effectively.

NGOs vary in their methods. Some act primarily as lobbyists, while others primarily conduct programs and activities. For instance, an NGO such as Oxfam , concerned with poverty alleviation, may provide needy people with the equipment and skills to find food and clean drinking water , whereas an NGO like the FFDA helps through investigation and documentation of human rights [ citation needed ] violations and provides legal assistance to victims of human rights abuses.

Others, such as the Afghanistan Information Management Services , provide specialized technical products and services to support development activities implemented on the ground by other organizations. Operational NGOs seek to "achieve small-scale change directly through projects". They hold large-scale fundraising events and may apply to governments and organizations for grants or contracts to raise money for projects.

They often operate in a hierarchical structure; a main headquarters being staffed by professionals who plan projects, create budgets, keep accounts, and report and communicate with operational fieldworkers who work directly on projects.

Operational NGOs can be further categorized by the division into relief-oriented versus development-oriented organizations; according to whether they stress service delivery or participation; whether they are religious or secular; and whether they are more public- or private-oriented.

Although operational NGOs can be community-based, many are national or international. The defining activity of operational NGOs is the implementation of projects. Campaigning NGOs seek to "achieve large-scale change promoted indirectly through influence of the political system". They must plan and host demonstrations and events that will keep their cause in the media.

They must maintain a large informed network of supporters who can be mobilized for events to garner media attention and influence policy changes. The defining activity of campaigning NGOs is holding demonstrations. The primary purpose of an Advocacy NGO is to defend or promote a specific cause. As opposed to operational project management, these organizations typically try to raise awareness, acceptance and knowledge by lobbying, press work and activist event.

It is not uncommon for NGOs to make use of both activities. Many times, operational NGOs will use campaigning techniques if they continually face the same issues in the field that could be remedied through policy changes. At the same time, Campaigning NGOs, like human rights organizations often have programs that assist the individual victims they are trying to help through their advocacy work. Non-governmental organizations need healthy relationships with the public to meet their goals.

Foundations and charities use sophisticated public relations campaigns to raise funds and employ standard lobbying techniques with governments. Interest groups may be of political importance because of their ability to influence social and political outcomes. There is an increasing awareness that management techniques are crucial to project success in non-governmental organizations.

They address varieties of issues such as religion, emergency aid, or humanitarian affairs. They mobilize public support and voluntary contributions for aid; they often have strong links with community groups in developing countries, and they often work in areas where government-to-government aid is not possible.

NGOs are accepted as a part of the international relations landscape, and while they influence national and multilateral policy-making, increasingly they are more directly involved in local action. Some NGOs are highly professionalized and rely mainly on paid staff.

Others are based around voluntary labour and are less formalized. Not all people working for non-governmental organizations are volunteers. Many NGOs are associated with the use of international staff working in 'developing' countries, but there are many NGOs in both North and South who rely on local employees or volunteers.

There is some dispute as to whether expatriates should be sent to developing countries. Frequently this type of personnel is employed to satisfy a donor who wants to see the supported project managed by someone from an industrialized country. However, the expertise of these employees or volunteers may be counterbalanced by a number of factors: The NGO sector is an essential employer in terms of numbers.

The amount of money that each requires varies depending upon multiple factors, including the size of the operation and the extent of the services provided. Major sources of NGO funding are membership dues, the sale of goods and services, grants from international institutions or national governments, and private donations.

Even though the term "non-governmental organization" implies independence from governments, many NGOs depend heavily on governments for their funding. Government funding of NGOs is controversial, since, according to David Rieff, writing in The New Republic , "the whole point of humanitarian intervention was precisely that NGOs and civil society had both a right and an obligation to respond with acts of aid and solidarity to people in need or being subjected to repression or want by the forces that controlled them, whatever the governments concerned might think about the matter.

Overhead is the amount of money that is spent on running an NGO rather than on projects. While overhead costs can be a legitimate concern, a sole focus on them can be counterproductive. Secretary General Kofi Annan wrote in favor of international humanitarian intervention, arguing that the international community has a "right to protect" [46] citizens of the world against ethnic cleansing, genocide, and crimes against humanity.

On the heels of the report, the Canadian government launched the Responsibility to Protect R2P [47] project, outlining the issue of humanitarian intervention. While the R2P doctrine has wide applications, among the more controversial has been the Canadian government's use of R2P to justify its intervention and support of the coup in Haiti.

The governments of the countries an NGO works or is registered in may require reporting or other monitoring and oversight. Funders generally require reporting and assessment, such information is not necessarily publicly available. There may also be associations and watchdog organizations that research and publish details on the actions of NGOs working in particular geographic or program areas. In recent years, many large corporations have increased their corporate social responsibility departments in an attempt to preempt NGO campaigns against certain corporate practices.

Greater collaboration between corporations and NGOs creates inherent risks of co-optation for the weaker partner, typically the non-profit involved. Department of Defense Directive In compliance with international law , DoD has necessarily built a capacity to improve essential services in areas of conflict such as Iraq , where the customary lead agencies State Department and USAID find it difficult to operate. Unlike the "co-option" strategy described for corporations, the OASD HA recognizes the neutrality of health as an essential service.

International Health cultivates collaborative relationships with NGOs, albeit at arms-length, recognizing their traditional independence, expertise and honest broker status. While the goals of DoD and NGOs may seem incongruent, the DoD's emphasis on stability and security to reduce and prevent conflict suggests, on careful analysis, important mutual interests.

International non-governmental organizations have a history dating back to at least the late eighteenth century. The vital role of NGOs and other "major groups" in sustainable development was recognized in Chapter 27 [58] of Agenda 21 , leading to intense arrangements for a consultative relationship between the United Nations and non-governmental organizations.

Rapid development of the non-governmental sector occurred in western countries as a result of the processes of restructuring of the welfare state.

Further globalization of that process occurred after the fall of the communist system and was an important part of the Washington consensus. Globalization during the 20th century gave rise to the importance of NGOs. Many problems could not be solved within a nation. International treaties and international organizations such as the World Trade Organization were centered mainly on the interests of capitalist enterprises. In an attempt to counterbalance this trend, NGOs have developed to emphasize humanitarian issues , developmental aid and sustainable development.

Some have argued that in forums like these, NGOs take the place of what should belong to popular movements of the poor.

Whatever the case, NGO transnational networking is now extensive. The legal form of NGOs is diverse and depends upon homegrown variations in each country's laws and practices. However, four main family groups of NGOs can be found worldwide: Article 11 of the European Convention on Human Rights protects the right to freedom of association, which is also a fundamental norm for NGOs.

In China, for instance, the registration of religious organizations is handled in a different manner than other types of NGOs are subject to. As Jonathan Tam and Reza Hasmath illustrate, the Communist Party of China maintains a suspicion of religion's historical capacity in China to galvanize social movements that threatened or toppled past Chinese governments and dynasties.

Furthermore, it is difficult to attain non-profit status in China, and many NGOs, while registering as businesses, unofficially continue to operate and behave as regular NGOs. Consequently, NGOs' growth can be limited by their own necessary cautiousness in navigating the uncertainty that results from these rules. Tam and Hasmath note that these types of NGOs "encounter challenges and opportunities that are quite different from those encountered by secular NGOs".

Service-delivery NGOs provide public goods and services that governments from developing countries are unable to provide to society, due to lack of resources. Service-delivery NGOs can serve as contractors or collaborate with democratized government agencies to reduce cost associated with public goods. Capacity-building NGOs influence global affairs differently, in the sense that the incorporation of accountability measures in Southern NGOs affect "culture, structure, projects and daily operations".

Communication is the weapon of choice used by advocacy and public-education NGOs in order to change people's actions and behaviors. They strategically construct messages to not only shape behavior, but to also socially mobilize communities in promoting social, political, or environmental changes.

Movement NGOs mobilizes the public and coordinate large-scale collective activities to significantly push forward activism agenda. In the post-Cold War era, more NGOs based in developed countries have pursued international outreach and became involved in local and national level social resistance and become relevant to domestic policy change in the developing world.

In China, the concepts of accountability and good governance of an organization are relatively new- a fact which speaks to the unique experiences of Chinese NGOs and, more broadly, illustrates key differences between local and international NGOs. As Reza Hasmath has illustrated, "the difference can largely be attributed to the experiences of international NGOs working in various countries and drawing extensively on the discourse of good governance practices.

The increased responsibility NGOs have taken on in delivering the welfare and social services that was once the extensive domain of the state is a key feature in the process of economic liberalization in China. Hasmath and Hsu have argued that this liberalization process entails modification of the tools which "the state has adopted to manage the economy and society".

Shivji is one of Africa's leading experts on law and development issues as an author and academic. His critique on NGOs is found in two essays: What we are, what we are not and what we ought to be". Shivji argues that despite the good intentions of NGO leaders and activists, he is critical of the "objective effects of actions, regardless of their intentions". He is critical of the current manifestations of NGOs wanting to change the world without understanding it, and that the imperial relationship continues today with the rise of NGOs.

James Pfeiffer, in his case study of NGO involvement in Mozambique, speaks to the negative effects that NGO's have had on areas of health within the country. He argues that over the last decade, NGO's in Mozambique have "fragmented the local health system, undermined local control of health programs, and contributed to growing local social inequality". He notes further that NGO's can be uncoordinated, creating parallel projects among different organizations, that pull health service workers away from their routine duties in order to serve the interests of the NGO's.

This ultimately undermines local primary health care efforts, and takes away the governments' ability to maintain agency over their own health sector. He mentioned the NGO should be 'formally held to standard and adherence within the host country', for example reduce 'showcase' projects and parallel programs that proves to be unsustainable.

Jessica Mathews wrote in Foreign Affairs in The best of them … often suffer from tunnel vision, judging every public act by how it affects their particular interest". Vijay Prashad argues that from the s "The World Bank, under Robert McNamara, championed the NGO as an alternative to the state, leaving intact global and regional relations of power and production.

Others argue that NGOs are often imperialist [84] in nature, that they sometimes operate in a racialized manner in third world countries, and that they fulfill a similar function to that of the clergy during the high colonial era. The philosopher Peter Hallward argues that they are an aristocratic form of politics. Another criticism of NGOs is that they are being designed and used as extensions of the normal foreign-policy instruments of certain Western countries and groups of countries.

But some, mostly in the US, are still exporting the ideologies of their backers. The representativeness, accountability and legitimacy of NGOs has been questioned especially given that NGOs are not elected by the constituents they wish to represent. Nonetheless, NGOs have increasingly been able to operate without a government sponsoring unit, though this is only true for a small number of NGOs that operate in pre-approved categories, and they continue to face institutional constraints.

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