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The low relative frequency of polygrams in which the signs 96 and 97 occur in final position in spite of the high absolute frequency of these signs does not enable us to consider them as variables in contradistinction to the signs 87, , 66, 68, also occurring as stable signs at the ends of inscriptions. The special combinations of signs 96 and 97 with various numerals force us to assume that they may be units of measurement or special classificatory suffixes used with numbers.

Of special interest are the signs depicting fish , , , and others which comprise ca. The most frequent of them is , which stands in initial position in fifteen recurring digrams and in final position in twelve digrams. The classification of sign as a variable sign is impeded by its comparatively low relative frequency and high absolute frequency; by its use with near-relative frequency in initial and final position and the combination of variable signs with blocks after sign e.

Curiously, sign 15 comprising ca. If one presupposes an accidental conjunction of the signs 15 and , the digram should have been encountered about two times in the Proto-Indian texts. We should note that, in the same fashion, the combination of sign 15 with sign is not accidental: That digram would have been formed in the Proto-Indian texts approximately once in an accidental fashion.

The positional-statistical analysis of the Proto-Indian texts enables us to determine the system of the script; to point out different classes of signs; to determine stable combinations of signs the polygrams ; and, in most cases, to divide the inscriptions into blocks.

The basic set of variable and semi-variable signs was established on the basis of the relative frequency of blocks and the position of signs in the blocks; and different morphological classes were established on the basis of combinations of significant signs with them [i. The combination of variable and semi-variable signs with each other immediately and across an interval in several signs, right up to the end of the texts on a seal allows us to determine the morphological and syntactical features of the Proto-Indian texts.

What is characteristic of the Proto-Indian texts, as shown by the results of the positional-statistical analysis demonstrated above, is the suffixation and combination of two final variables. The results obtained enable us to make a comparison between the morphological and syntactic structure [on the one hand] with the structures of known languages and language families [on the other]. A positional-statistical analysis was carried out on the Proto-Indian data and also on a control script - an unsegmented ancient Egyptian text, "The Legend of Sinuhe".

As a further control, although the limits of the Proto-Indian stretches of symbols are known i. This was done in order to enable the investigators to ascertain the curve of emergence of artificial conjunctions of signs or artificial "polygrams". The curve of emergence of new signs in relation to the increase in length of the text in Proto-Indian inscriptions coincided with the curve of emergence of new signs in ancient Egyptian, forming sharp "overfalls" specific to hieroglyphic systems of writing.

The absolute frequencies of different signs in the Egyptian texts were computed and arranged in order of descending absolute frequency. High frequency signs in Egyptian were observed to coincide with those signs performing more than one function, i. On analogy with the Egyptian data they considered signs of high frequency in the Proto-Indian data to function similarly - as grammatical markers, and those of low frequency to function as root morphemes.

In order to divide the texts into blocks of signs presumably corresponding to words or roots, aside from the obviously recurrent polygrams, knowing the limits of the inscriptions helped them to determine blocks even in those parts of the inscriptions in which there were no recurring polygrams by determining recurring polygrams within the limits of the inscription and then treating that part of the inscription which was outside these known polygrams providing their structure did not exceed signs as an independent block.

Comparison of inscriptions composed of or more blocks where one and the same block was found in the structure of all of them and several other blocks were identical, allowed them to identify several unique blocks i. Stable, semi-variable, and variable sets of signs emerged, and different classes of blocks were established depending on which variables or semi-variables occurred with them.

Some blocks belonged to several different classes. In sum, Kondratov claimed that the positional-statistical analysis of the Proto-Indian texts allowed them to: The variable and semi-variable signs were established on the basis of the relative frequency of blocks and the position of signs in the blocks; the different morphological classes were established on the basis of the combinations of significant signs with the semi-variable and variable signs.

Further, the combination of variables and semi-variables with each other immediately adjacent and over an interval of several signs is alleged to have allowed them to determine the morphological and syntactical features of the Proto-Indian data. Thus, the characteristics of the Proto-Indian language according to Kondratov consist of: Reading Kondratov one becomes aware of a logical continuity of thought and deduction unparalleled elsewhere in this group of papers.

This is at once admirable and disconcerting, for there is a dilemma which confronts the reader as regards the acceptability of certain rather basic premisses.

Once these premisses have been accepted, however, rather in the way one must accept Augustine's in the City of God then all else follows, logically and conclusively. Specifically, his very first assumption - and one which is never made explicit, or for that matter even realized by Kondratov as constituting a problem - is indeed open to discussion, if not actually shaky; are the positional-statistical methods Kondratov outlines sufficient to distinguish between system of script as opposed to system of language?

Can one equate or match script and language as Kondratov attempts to do, even allowing for its logo-syllabic nature, and giving it the benefit of the doubt in regard to its provenance from the Indus Valley as a script specifically designed to fit the language of that civilization? Kondratov unfortunately, never comes to grips with the problem; in fact, he does not seem to be aware that there is such a problem and it never enters the discussion. To state it pernaps more succinctly - how does Kondratov distinguish at all between the system of the script and the system of the language it is assumed to represent?

Are the conclusions reached regarding stable signs, variables, semi-variables, blocks of signs etc. It is never made sufficiently clear that they are aware of this distinction nor that either the mathematics or the conclusions reached through the analysis are in fact relatable directly to the language of the script. Do variables in fact necessarily match up with suffixes? If for instance, you wanted to indicate certain phonic characteristics such as glottalization for certain consonants e.

Or if one used as in Chinese signs such as a cross t with phonetic indicator e. Kondratov does not even attempt to account for such possibilities since he bases all of what he says on the coincidence of the curve of emergence of new signs in Egyptian and Proto-Indian. Thus he brings us to question most strenuously what must be considered his second assumption: The reader may accept the first assumption on the simple premise that no attempt whatsoever at the decipherment of the script can be possible without at least taking for granted that the design of the script somehow matches the language it is used for.

The second assumption is, however, not at all acceptable. The statistics for Egyptian hieroglyphics are just that - statistics for a Semito-Hamitic type of language, and can have essentially little or no bearing on the statistics associated with the Proto-Indian data. Further, a question related to such an assumption immediately jumps to mind: If others were employed1 and then rejected, Kondratov nowhere makes this clear, the bulk of the material in his paper in fact dealing with the Egyptian text and analysis even to the exclusion of certain Proto-Indian data where it would have been helpful.

In this connection also one should note the rather unfortunate terminology employed - namely, the use of the term "hieroglyphics". If the term is merely meant to convey the notion of a 'logo-syllabic' system of script it is perhaps understandable if not the best term; but, starting from the premise of similar "curves of emergence of new signs" in Egyptian and Proto-Indian, it is also a misleading term.

Does Kondratov in fact wish to imply that the Proto-Indian writing is indeed not only logo-syllabic in nature but actually of the subtype which includes ancient Egyptian? If he does wish to equate the two writings in such a fashion, it again is something which is never made explicit; and further, is an extremely unlikely equation, considering the rather complex and somewhat unusual nature of the ancient Egyptian script.

The reader must then take on faith much more than he ought to be required to do. If indeed Proto-Indian 1. In fact, they do employ several others e. Kondratov omits a step in his delineation of the procedures; he talks for most of his paper about the ancient Egyptian hieroglyphics, and then jumps to his conclusions about Proto-Indian without disclosing the criteria which were employed in setting up the variables and semi-variables.

Kondratov's terminology leaves much to be desired. His equation of ProtoIndian writing with the statistical picture given by ancient Egyptian hieroglyphics is marred by the lack of objective data regarding other scripts used as control scripts and is not a particularly sound method in any case.

Basing his entire equation of the types of scripts, etc. And of major importance, the basis of his equation - i. If one can accept the likelihood that the "curve of emergence", or the general statistical picture of variables in interplay with semi-variables and stable blocks is an accurate matching with affixes and roots in a given language, then his conclusions regarding the nature of the ProtoIndian language may be accepted; i.

Kondratov asserts that the entire set of "polygrams" of any hieroglyphic text can be divided into a few intersecting classes according to their composition. Signs substituted in certain positions in the blocks of polygrams m a y be considered to be variable and semi-variable.

Semi-variable signs take precedence over variable signs i. Thus, "the semivariable signs behave as if they 'pushed aside' the variable signs from the root-signs and polygrams. Semi-variable signs are preserved within the limits of the entire micro-paradigm formed by variable signs, whereas the variable signs form the micro-paradigm whether or not the semi-variables are present. This is never made clear. The Egyptian language would look quite different, written in the Roman alphabet, but there is no doubt it could be written in this way, just as, similarly, English can be read in Devanagari - a syllabic script intended for the Indo-Aryan languages ; and Egyptian i.

On analogy with the Egyptian system, signs with high frequency are considered to function as grammatical markers and those of low frequency to function as root morphemes. However, that the high frequency signs function as grammatical markers as well as having a phonic value is generally true of logo-syllabic forms of script - which, based on the number of signs, the ProtoIndian script can be adjudged to be; but the assumption that the low frequency signs must therefore be morphemic root signs, though possibly true, is a somewhat unsupportable conclusion; they could equally well represent sounds which correspond to no grammatical marker, or as Kondratov elsewhere notes in connection with the Egyptian signs, may be merely determinatives.

Kondratov asserts that the accidental polygrams or conjunctions become fewer as the number of segments in the polygrams increases - but this is said essentially of a Semitic type of language - Egyptian. Again, can one superimpose statistics of one language onto another? These would have been of far more use in assessing the character of the Proto-Indian script than those tables which were included. Objects with inscriptions written in an unknown script were discovered during the excavation of the cities of the third to second millenium before our era, in the valley of the river Indus Harappa, Mohenjo-daro, Chanhudaro, Rupar , in the valley of the extinct, desiccated river Saraswati Kalibangan , on the peninsula of Kathiawar Lothal and also in the ruins of the ancient cities of Sumer and Elam Ur, Lagash, Kish, Susa.

In the overwhelming majority of cases, the inscriptions are incised in socalled seals; these were made of stone usually steatite and were of quadrangular, rectangular, or circular shape. As an exception, cylindrical seals of a Mesopotamian type are also encountered. The inscriptions on the seals are often accompanied by representations of animals, plants, and sometimes whole scenes.

A few impressions of the seals on vessels and on clay plates were found, as well as inscriptions impressed on triangular clay amulets. In addition, there exist inscriptions on copper plates, on circular ebony sticks, vessels, various tools, and clay bangles. Proto-Indian inscriptions are executed with horizontal strokes on circular seals, ring-shaped strokes from right to left on the seals from the left to the right ; with rare exceptions where the lines are written from left to right on the seals from right to left.

More than signs are comparatively weakly stylized, and in many cases one can discern a depicted object people, animals, plants, buildings, etc. Among the signs, lines occur from one to nine which are undoubtedly numerals. Some of the signs are very similar to early Sumerian.

The size of this publication does not allow us to deal with the historical study of the ProtoIndian script. There are usually from one to eight signs in an inscription, though episodically [sic] even longer lines are encountered. A considerable number of inscriptions exist in which identical components are found, and it is possible to follow the successive increase in the quantity of these components.

In an overwhelming majority of cases, the analysis of the inscriptions, with the help of interval statistics, enabled us to break the undivided text into.

One to five eigne are found within a block, though tetragrams and pentagrams are quite rare. The signs may be classified as stable, variable, and semi-variable. Stable signs are preserved in all cases, when the given block occurs, and obviously, they express root-morphemes. In the structure of a block one to two stable signs occur. Semi-variable 'block-forming' signs may be divided into two sharply differing groups: Thus, they are retained within the limits of the entire micro-paradigm.

The variable 'block-altering' signs always occur after the stable signs and after the semi-variables of the second group. They can be interchanged with each other; they can be combined in pairs; they can disappear, forming a microparadigm; obviously, they perform the function of suffixes in the ProtoIndian language.

Within a block, zero to three semi-variable and variable signs are found. The division into stable, variable, and semi-variable signs is of a relative character and is relevant only within the limits of a given block.

One and the same sign can, in some blocks, appear as variable or semivariable, but in other blocks it belongs to the stable signs.

To the first group of semi-variable signs occurring before the stable signs belong numerals which, obviously, denote numeral-substantives; some signs which do not occur among the stable signs and which obviously function as adjectives and those signs used as stable ones in independent blocks, clearly are to be considered as substantives.

As semi-variables, they obviously must fulfill the function of adjectives. The semi-variable signs of the first group correspond to determination in a Proto-Indian sentence and form blocks which obviously are to be considered stable word-combinations. Thus, for example, the combinations of stable signs , 65, with numbers 6 and 7 , with the sign 15 which obviously [sic] has the meaning of a wide-spread adjective , , with the sign , which is used in other instances as a stable sign.

One should realize that the junction of semi-variable signs of the first group is possible without employing the variable signs. The semi-variable signs of the second group occurring after the stable ones obviously have the function of word-forming suffixes. To these, one can attribute the signs c, , 91, Thus, for instance, the junction of the sign c with the frequently occurring semi-variable sign 15 of the first group, transforms it into a stable sign; that is, it evidently substantivizes adjectives.

An inscription can coneist of one 'basic' block either not having any variables at all for instance, Mil , or having final variables, , , , When the inscription is longer, a preceding 'explanatory' block occurs which either has no variables e.

Rather less frequently the 'explanatory' block occurs as a second following block, and in euch a case it may not have any variables for instance, , A sizeable group of inscriptions exists which contains specific numerals. The simplest type of such inscriptions contains the determined 1 sign usually 96 and 97 and a preceding numeral which varies from three to nine, but frequently explanatory blocks also occur.

Notwithstanding the brevity and standard[ized] character of the inscriptions, it is possible to point out the following characteristic features of the Proto-Indian language: The combination of a numeral with a substantive does not require affixes of plurality.

Only suffixes occur in the language not a single prefix was registered. Suffixes may be conjoined into pairs in definite combinations. Taking into account the antiquity and area of extent of the Proto-Indian culture, it is possible to assume that the Proto-Indian language belongs either to those languages [now] extinct or that it is akin to the languages of India Indo-European, Dravidian, Munda , or to the languages of the Near East Sumerian, H u m a n , Elamite.

The problem of the kinship of the Proto-Indian language with one or an other linguistic family was solved through the following selections. The affinity of the Proto-Indian language with Sumerian, Hurrian, and Elamite languages is impeded above all, by the position of the determiner, which in these languages occurs after the determined [element].

Apart from this, prefixes, which are characteristic of Sumerian, and the confluence of 'postpositions' and 'the transfer of determinatives' characteristic of Hurrian and Elamite, are not found in the Proto-Indian language. Affinity with Indo-European languages including Sanskrit and Hittite is impeded primarily by the absence of prefixes in Proto-Indian. Affinity with the Munda languages is inipeded by the absence of prefixes in Proto-Indian, by the absence of infixes, and by absence of strongly-expressed agglutination which is characteristic of Munda.

There is reason to consider the Proto-Indian language as being close[ly related] to the Dravidian languages as far as grammatical structure is concerned.

In Dravidian, as in Proto-Indian, determiner occurs before determinee. It is possible to combine two substantives, the first of which functions in the capacity of an adjective without the addition of affixes, and the combination of a numeral with the following substantive does not require plural affixes. In the Dravidian languages as in Proto-Indian, prefixes are absent and suffixes caee-endings may be combined in pairs forming new cases.

The variable which has the record absolute and relative frequency can be compared only with the Dravidian suffix of the oblique case which also has the function of genitive euffix, and sometimes, of the locative, in Tamil -attu, in Telugu, -ti. The combination of the variables obviously corresponds to the Dravidian combination of suffixes: The second suffix also occurs independently without the suffix of the oblique case.

The combination of variables can correspond, for instance, to the Dravidian combination of the suffixes of the locative and dative forming a directional case in Tamil -il-kku, -kan-kku.

It should be noted that the ancient Dravidian locative suffix kan3 originally meant 'eye', and sign has a shape similar to the Sumerian sign igi also signifying 'eye' however, not used in Sumerian as a locative suffix.

Many Proto-Indian words and word-combinations, without doubt, became calqued into Sanskrit and partially borrowed. In that case the imprint on the vessel made after firing IV signifies '4 handfuls', which corresponds to approximately a half liter in the traditional Indian system of measurements.

Sign depicts a female with elongated breasts and outstretched arms—a widespread symbol of the goddess of fertility since Neolithic times. In an overwhelming majority of cases, it is preceded by the semi-variable sign A frequent epithet of the goddess of fertility is 'great'. The combination obviously [sic] 2. Sign 15, which is extremely rare in terms of its relative frequency, also precedes sign , which is a depiction of a fish. It should be noted that sign 15 is identical in shape to the Sumerian sign gal, 'great'.

In the Dravidian languages min not only signifies 'fish', but also 'star'. The use of the sign of the fish for the meaning of 'star' is possible only in the Dravidian languages.

Unfortunately, the extreme paucity of epigraphic material does not enable us to develop a detailed study of the grammar and lexicon of the Proto-Indian language. The majority of words occur in the inscriptions only once, and it seems impossible to establish their meanings according to the context. Using interval statistics, the Indus Valley texts were broken down into blocks corresponding to word-forms and word-combinations.

One to five signs usually one to three - classifiable as stable, variable and semi-variable - were found to make up a block. Stable signs were found to remain constant with one to two within a block and were presumed to express root-morphemes; semi-variables "block-forming" signs could be divided into two groups: Variable "block-altering" signs always occur after the stable signs and after the semi-variables of the second type.

Characteristically, variables are also interchangeable with each other, can be combined in pairs, and can "disappear" altogether. Knorozov equates the variables with suffixes. The division into stable, semi-variable and variable, however, Knorozov asserts, is of a relative character; identification of particular signs is only relevant within the limits of a given block.

The first group of semi-variables is said to correspond to "determination" i. The second group of semi-variables is claimed to consist of word-forming suffixes. Inscriptions thus are said to consist of: In general, the characteristic features of the Proto-Indian script are the following: There is stable word-order in a sentence; 2.

Determination precedes that which is determined e. Nouns occurring before other nouns function as adjectives and are without suffixes; 4. The combination of a numeral with a substantive does not require plural affixes; 5. Only suffixes occur there are no prefixes or infixes ; 6. Suffixes may be combined in pairs of definite combinations. Thus, Proto-Indian according to Rnorozov cannot be Indo-European, or Munda because of the absence of prefixes and infixes; cannot be Hurrian, Sumerian, or Elamite, because of the position of determination i.

Knorozov argues for an affinity between the language of the Proto-Indian inscriptions and a Dravidian language on the basis of similarity of grammatical structure: Knorozov claims that sign 87 is a stylized depiction of the aSvattha tree and that therefore, this is a confirmation of its phonetic value -ti, or -attuji since, it too is ati or atti in the Dravidian languages.

Further, the combination of the variables is a correspondence with the Dravidian combination of suffixes of the oblique and dative cases e. Knorozov, however, gives no further examples and concludes that the paucity of material makes it impossible to adequately establish the meaning of words or to provide a detailed study of the grammar and lexicon of the Proto-Indian language.

Similar remarks may be made on Knorozov's paper as were made earlier regarding the paper by Kondratov. The proposed analyses, conclusions, assumptions etc. The details, however, leave something to be desired in the way of accuracy, rigorous documentation, and particularly, thoroughness. One must object, for instance, to the act of faith implicit in accepting the notions of "stable", "semi-variable" and "variable"; he presumably bases these classifications on actual evidence; the evidence, however, is never made explicit and in one instance is highly suspect.

If identification of particular signs is only relevant within the limits of a given block, on what basis is the reader to accept the classification at all? Similarly, though for the most part what is said regarding the impediments to considering Munda as a possibility for the language of the Proto-Indian inscriptions can be considered correct, the supposed "strongly-expressed agglutination" of Munda is fallacious since Dravidian is, if anything, more, rather than less agglutinative than Munda.

The only strong case against Munda is the absence of both prefixation and infixation in the script.

All else said regarding evidence favouring a Dravidian hypothesis can be adduced for Munda as well. Furthermore, no mention is made of the Altaic languages which fit the typological characterization equally as well as does Dravidian. Other details, noted for the most part in the body of the text, are those of documentation, accuracy of reconstruction etc. Much more could have been done in the way of preparatory grids both in terms of the inner workings of the script and in terms of the.

The assumption that only a Dravidian language is possible as the language underlying the script is certainly untenable until such preliminary attempts to align elements of the script with specific reconstructed linguistic units has been tried.

The attempt to "read" concrete phonemic shapes of Dravidian or Proto-Dravidian morphemes into the signs, at the stage at which the authors find themselves, is to say the least, premature.

Furthermore, one would have liked to see a full discussion of the problems involved in relating the statistical analyses of the signs with the system of the language presumed to underlie the script, showing in detail the methods used to arrive at the equations or matching of sign classifications with language categories.

Though the reviewers of course, acknowledge the great difficulty in attempting to decipher such a script and the reasons therefore for such equations, we feel it would have been more befitting a scholarly publication had the authors been somewhat less bold in their assertions as to the correctness of what must, at such an early stage, only remain hypotheses. The study of Proto-Indian inscriptions enabled us to point out some characteristic features of the Proto-Indian language. This allowed us to raise the question of its affinity to the languages of India and the Near East.

In the present short paper only the data about the little-known Munda and Dravidian languages are considered in any detail. The object occurs before the predicative verb. Suffixes as well as prefixes occur in the Sumerian language.

Case endings are expressed by independent markers postpositions which occur at the end of the entire syntagma. In Hurrian and Elamite the determination [or qualifier] occurs after the determined word. In these languages only suffixes occur, and they are added in agglutinative order. Besides this, a characteristic feature of the Hurrian language is the 'transfer of determinants' a phenomenon which is absent in ProtoIndian ; the final marker or markers of the grammatical relations of a word recurs as a qualifier of [each of] the other [accompanying] words which modify it.

In this language determinants of definitiveness and number are transferred. For Sanskrit, free word-order is characteristic; [and] along with highly developed suffixation, there are a great number of prefixes in Sanskrit. The early Neolithic settlements having a characteristic microlithic industry of people speaking languages which subsequently became known under the designation of the Munda family, were discovered in the upper reaches of the.

In several instances, the subject occurs at the end of the sentence, e. The adverbial modifier occurs either at the beginning of a sentence or before the predicate. The object usually stands before the predicative verb but can also be placed before the subject. In all Munda languages determination expressed by a substantive, adjective, numeral, or pronoun occurs before that which is determined.

The numeral, when used with a substantive, requires the plural affix, e. These suffixes or their variants are used in other languages of the Munda family. In the Munda languages, affixes of various kinds are used.

For instance, in Santali, there are prefixes, suffixes, and infixes; and the prefixes—and especially infixes—play a substantially greater part than the suffixes.

In the Dravidian languages the following word-order is usually found: The object in Dravidian occurs as a rule between subject and predicate, but it is also encountered before the object.

Such cases are characteristic of ancient legends, e. The combination adjective-substantive may be joined by determination, expressed by a substantive, numeral, or pronoun. In the Dravidian languages, the substantive—in the function of determination—may occur, without any affix, before the determined word.

Otherwise, a substantive used as determination may have the suffix of the oblique case. Telugu, Grierson, Linguistic Survey of India vol. Suffixed word-formation and word-inflection are characteristic of the Dravidian languages.

For instance, in Tamil, no formative elements exist which would occur before the root. In the investigation of the grammatical features of the Proto-Indian language and especially the position of the determination before the determined word, the absence of prefixes and infixes, the combination of suffixes and other features make it possible to relate the Proto-Indian language to Dravidian. Without a doubt this is the worst paper of the lot. It would appear Madame Fedorova's linguistic preparation was not adequate to the task set her.

Throughout the paper there are gross discrepancies, evidences of sloppy scholarship, and indications of a general lack of grasp of various problems, to say nothing of the languages. It is clear from the start that she is unfamiliar with either Munda or Dravidian and her sweeping generalizations are clear testimony of this.

Her first blunder is her blithe statement that "early Neolithic settlements with a characteristic microlithic industry of peoples speaking languages which subsequently became known under the designation of the Munda family, were discovered in the upper reaches of the Indus, in the valleys of the Indus" and so on; this blunder is however compounded into a felony when she attributes this erroneous information to D. First of all this is simply wrong.

There do exist widespread Neolithic settlements in India and in the Indus area, but nowhere does Gordon or anyone else to our knowledge equate the highly varied and apparently unrelated Neolithic and microlithic settlements of all the areas to each other; and what is even more essential, nowhere is it suggested that the Mundas are somehow connected with these diverse settlements.

Second, the most that could be inferred from what Gordon says and on page 35 not 38 is that these settlements reflect aboriginal peoples whose language PERHAPS1 survives in the Munda or Kol speech; "but they are by no means of one exact physical type" and "they are merely evidence of a basic pre-Aryan and pre-Dravidian people s ".

Basing her decision that Munda could not be the Proto-Indian language on three examples - and those examples from a subgroup Kherwarian of a 1. She certainly knows no Munda. First she claims a rigid word-order for Munda; this is simply untrue, almost any order may occur. Using Grierson - certainly not the most extensive or up-to-date source for the Munda languages in any case - she draws her three examples, inaccurately analysed and misunderstood, from Kherwarian which is certainly questionably representative of what must be presumably reconstructed for Proto-Munda.

It is not out of the question that even at that early date there could have been great diversity between North and South Munda, but Fedorova does not even raise the question, or note its pertinence to the discussion. Certainly it is a highly questionable procedure to pass judgement on whether a language group could have a particular structure when one really can have no - even approximate - idea of the syntactic features of the language-group, or of a particular hypothetical - language at that time.

Fedorova does not seem to be even aware of the problem. She does not go beyond the most accessible sketchy and highly incomplete - sources on which to base her opinions.

Further, even these meagre sources are incompletely analysed, as a reading of Bodding would have demonstrated. It is also true that much of the syntax is borrowed from Indo-Aryan in a number of areas, including such word order features as a particular Object-Verb-Subject derived order which has a particular intonation pattern.

This further testifies to its being a borrowed feature. Adverbial modifiers do precede the words modified, but this is as true of Hindi as it is of Munda, and so is hardly to be taken as a reflection necessarily of the earlier pattern. It is not at all out of the question that it is in fact borrowed from Hindi. Fedorova contradicts herself several times in the very examples she offers to the reader. For example, she says: The numeral, when used with a substantive requires the plural affix.

What she obviously had in mind is the sentence in Grierson which followed the example she gave: Then twelve-the sisters they agreed Apparently not only did Fedorova not know much if any Munda but, she was unable to use adequately even those sources available to her. As for the genitive suffix, she gives the example: There is no obvious suffix -ak' in ale; she could perhaps justify the loss of -ak' as some kind of sandhi or morphophonemic reduction but she is not even aware of the problem or its possible solution.

It is certainly not true of Nerth Munda verb constructions, and not shown by the two examples in her text - which have not been fully analysed. These examples do not support this contention since they each contain three suffixes and NO prefixes or infixes, i. It is certainly true that there are prefixes in the Munda languages, but for the verbs, primarily in a few languages of South Munda, not in North Munda from which she draws all her examples.

In any case, they do not play "a substantially greater part than the suffixes" in any of the Munda languages. A general remark first. All the various data quoted in the different papers in both monographs, belong - from the point of view of strict comparative and historical linguistics - to the realm of sheer speculation. This does not mean that a priori such genetic kinship is ruled out. But this aprioristic speculation cannot be either proved or disproved at present.

Korku example courtesy of Norman Zide. This high probability of a typological affinity between Dravidian and 'Proto-Indian' may be arrived at, however, quite independently by the reader without taking into account the very poor paper by Fedorova. The following detailed remarks may be made: It is impossible today, and it was impossible in , to speak about Dravidian languages as "little-known". Emeneau has to say about the present state of Dravidian studies: It can be said now, as it could not in the 30's, that this is a field in which all the world is engaged - Dravidian India, Ceylon, and Malaysia most numerously, but also the United States, Europe, including Great Britain, France, the Netherlands, Germany, Austria, Czechoslovakia, and Russia, and even Japan.

Detailed work, descriptive and comparative, old-style and transformational-generative, core studies and sociolinguistics, is written and published, in a surprising number of journal articles and books. The picture of this activity is sketched in the pertinent chapters of the forthcoming volume 5 of Current Trends in Linguistics, which at the current rate of activity in the field, will be out-of-date before it appears"5.

To talk of the Dravidian languages as "little-known" in is, to say the least, grotesque. Fedorova seems to have gained her knowledge of the state of affairs in Dravidian from sources published fifty years ago, and only from these sources. This is one of the very serious drawbacks of her short paper: Ramaswami Aiyar, et al. The selection of Dravidian examples could hardly have been more unfortunate.

Fedorova has lumped together in pell-mell fashion a few instances giving wrong designations of the languages and quoting without any precision whatsoever. One should point out her mistakes and her lack of rigor step by step.

Her first example is proof that Fedorova knows hardly any Dravidian: It took the reviewer some detective work to discover that this is a misplaced specimen of Korava, Grierson, L. Her second example is inexact: Her third example, said to be Tamil, is actually taken from the highly divergent Korava dialect of Tamil?

Her fourth example contains no misquotations. In her seventh example, also from Gondi, she misses two vowel length markings: This time, she also forgot to translate into Russian the Go. The eighth example is all wrong: Finally, the ninth instance: Konow in Grierson L. What she has to say about the structural properties of Dravidian is generally right. She has however dealt Only with the most general features of Dravidian structure, and even with these features rather nebulously.

The strongly worded verdict perebor pokazyvaet nevozmozhnost' ubeditel'nogo sblizhenija etc. Fedorova's paper discredits the whole work of the team and has some features which unfortunately, are typical of the whole monograph lack of rigor, lack of documentation, sweeping generalizations and arrogance of tone.

Fedorova's treatment of both the Munda and the Dravidian languages is based on scanty, out-of-date materials and reflects a general ignorance of both language families, and the linguistic problems involved in trying to assess the likelihood of a language from either group being the language of the ProtoIndian writings. Her argumentation starts from preconceived notions, and a desire to match Proto-Dravidian with the language of the Proto-Indian script however possible or plausible this may be and is not based on sound linguistic procedures or familiarity with the languages in question.

Her scholarship is most careless, and highly suspect. Instead of deducing the relationship from reliable linguistic facts and sound procedures, she brings her preconceptions to the problem and attempts to make the 'facts' fit the preconceptions. Indeed they may, but Fedorova is not the linguist she needs to be to demonstrate this.

In general her methods lack rigor, documentation, and are riddled with sweeping generalizations and arrogance of tone. A wholly unsatisfactory paper. The Proto-Indian inscriptions are often accompanied by representations of emblems, plants, animals, and various scenes. The most frequently occurring emblem is the swastika widely used in later Indian symbolism and the lattice which is a part of the so-called 'standard' which is often encountered.

As far as plants are concerned, only the image of the aSvattha or, apart from that, the palm tree is encountered. Especially frequent are isolated images of aurochs standing in front of the 'standard' , less often of a bull, buffalo, elephant, rhinoceros, tiger, gavial with a fish between its jaws, antelope with the head turned back, or a buck. It is striking that some animals characteristic of ancient India do not occur: Thus, even in the Proto-Indian variant of the Meeopotamian hero Gilgamesh holding apart two lions, those animals are replaced by tigers Mil 75, 86, , Apart from realistic images, one comes across the anthropo-tri-saur1 the bull with a human face, an elephant's trunk, and a tiger's tail , a tigress with zebu's horns, tricephalic aurochs with the upper head of an antelope, the lower head of a bull , tricephalic rhinoceros with the upper head of an aurochs?

The scenes occur mainly on amulets and rarely on seals: Single scenes, isolated images, and emblems sometimes combine on identical or on different sides of one amulet. Separate scenes are combined in series so that identical characters figure in them the tigress, buffalo, an enthroned god, a goddess in a tree. These series of scenes are obviously a kind of mythological abstraction.

Lower on the trunk two hanging boughs branch off. Above the roots a circle with eight concentrically placed dots is depicted; the dots encircle the central [dot]; from the circle are drawn two aurochs' heads on long necks.

On the impression of a seal Ch. Monier-Williams, Indian Wisdom London, p. The hypothesis of M. It is thought that its branches contain magical power, namely, to repel evil spirits, and its leaves help fulfill various wishes for wealth, male progeny, etc.

It should not grow in the vicinity of a house, and people should not touch it; women should circumambulate it several times a day. An Introduction to Indian Symbolism Table 22b. According to Buddhist and Hindu cosmographie notions, four main and four secondary directions were distinguished apart from the zenith and the nadir. The gods of the directions are as follows: The idea of the identification of the gods with the directions was especially developed in Buddhism which distinguishes between several groups of gods as symbols of world directions.

In the four corners, the following goddesses are distinguished: In the Buddhist literary monument Niepannayogavali lantra, still another group of gods of directions is dee crib ed in detail; this [group] consists of ten gods: To this group of ten gods of the directions are adjoined the Buddhist goddesses of the six directions, the names and symbols of which are different from the corresponding deities of the preceding group.

A specific group of Buddhist goddesses also connected with the four cardinal and four secondary directions is described in Niepannayogavali tantra. These goddesses have a special place in the mandala the magic circle including an enormous number of gods; the place of each of them in the circle is precisely established. The names of the four main goddesses correspond to those animals, the muzzles of which are depicted in their images: To these four main goddesses are added four other goddesses with birds' heads, corresponding to the four secondary directions: Sometimes these goddesses are presented with human faces, and in such an instance the corresponding animal is represented separately above the head or in the crown.

The animals depicted in the polytheria obviously symbolize cardinal and secondary directions. The elephant is connected only with the East, the buffalo only with the South, the bull only with the Northeast; the aurochs was evidently, in later tradition, replaced by a horse symbolizing in Hinduism, the sun , which is connected with the Southwest.

In different groups of Buddhist gods of the directions, the lion is connected with the North, East, and South. The rhinoceros evidently may be connected with the West, which in later tradition has no fixed animal in Hinduism - maleara, the mythical fish with the head of a deer and the legs of an antelope; in Buddhism - the crocodile, peacock, horse, and dog.

I t is not out of the question that the Proto-Indian term meaning 'rhinoceros' and also 'man' cf. On the seal Mil, no. The arms in a semi-hanging position touch the knees with the palms having the thumb turned outward.

On each arm, from the shoulder to the wrist, are eight small bangles interspersed in fours between large ones. It is not out of the question that the image is a copy of a statue of a four-faced god—the faces of which represent the directions.

The orientation of the faces of a poly-faced deity according to the cardinal points is typical of Hindu iconography. In front of the throne there are two antelopes in succession turning their heads back. On the seal Mil no.

On the sides are adorants one of them holding a vessel in his hands and cobras standing on their tails. Specifically, he is considered [to be] "the chief of snakes",18 and very often he is represented with cobras. The four animals surrounding the god can be associated with the four cardinal points, as demonstrated above.

The intent was to represent the god as regent of the four directions, i. On seal Mil no. On a number of objects a scene is depicted which can tentatively be called 'tigress by a tree'. On the tree is a figure eeated in a position identical to the pose of adoration, with a twofingered right hand outstretched before him.

The tigress stands with her tail toward the tree and looks with her head turned back. Obviously, a further development may be found represented on seal Ml no. Behind her is a horned and tailed figure, with the legs and hooves of a bull and with his two-fingered hands outstretched towards the tigress. Obviously, popular mythological episodes are represented here, having no clear-cut analogies in the later tradition. In Dravidian folkloric motives, themes occur which have something in common with this episode.

The Gonds of Adilabad have a legend about a tiger-woman who has devoured her six husbands—herdsmen who worshipped the bull-god Borum deo 'the great god'. The seventh husband changed into the fruit of the mango tree, which the tigress tried unsuccessfully to eat also.

On the seal Ch. According to Mackay, "bull kicking a man". Hopkins, The Religions of India London, p. On a number of seals and amulets, a nude goddess with bangles on her arms, is represented. The goddess in the tree, with horns and branches on her head, is represented separately, also, and in a number of cases the representation of the tree is stylized in the shape of an arch.

In Hindu tradition, the leaves of the asvattha tree brush against each other like tongues of flame. In a number of scenes depicting the offering to the goddess, the act of offering is accompanied by six or seven female figures in clothing with slanting hems and with branches?

The seven in Mohenjo-daro variants or the six in the Harappa variants female figures accompanying the goddess in the tree may be identified with the goddesses of the Seven Hivers Saptasindhava. By Sarasvati was meant the extinct, now dessicated river Sarasvati. In ancient Indian sources a number of different rivers, including the Indus, were called by the name Sarasvati—a traditional sacred river known also in the Avesta.

In the Vedas the river Sarasvati was designated as having seven sisters in Sanskrit saptasvasr. It is possible that in the Harappa variant, the goddess in the tree and the six sisters correspond to the seven rivers of the Punjab; and in the variant of Mohenjo-daro, the goddesses and the seven 'sisters' correspond to the Indus and its seven tributaries in which is included the Indus itself before its confluence with the other rivers.

Wilkins, Hindu Mythology Calcutta, p. On one of the representations, the seven female figures are spread out in a line; at the right is a buffalo. Sometimes these goddesses are considered to be rivers or sisters of Siva,.

In South India right up to present times, the slipping on of bangles has been considered an important part of some religious rites. The figure treads with his left leg on the muzzle of the buffalo; with his left hand he holds its right horn, and with his right he stabs it in the nape of the neck with a spear.

The scene with a buffalo has a close analogy in the Sumerian myth about Gilgamesh and the celestial bull, usually represented as a buffalo. Moore, Pantheon, Tables 34, Finally "she kicked him bo forcefully on the head with her foot that he fell on the ground", and she beat him with her trident.

It should be noted that according to Indian traditions, the wife usually takes a man's name in the female form. Of especial interest are the sequences of various scenes, different representations and emblems occurring on plates and triangular objects obviously amulets and talismans. Among these, polytheria frequently occur cf.

Right up to present times, in South India we encounter amulets with representations of the magic circle with eight segments, which protects against illnesses and other troubles which may arise from any of the eight directions. The anthropo-tri-saur bull with a human visage, elephant's trunk, and tail of a tiger has no clear analogies in the later tradition. The swastika, in later tradition, appears to be a beneficial sign, symbolizing life, prosperity, health, wealth. The right-oriented swastika is considered to be the male symbol and is connected with the spring sun, whereas the left-oriented swastika is female35 and is connected with the autumnal sun.

The elephant in later tradition is considered to be the symbol of wisdom. Wilkins, Hindu Mythology, pp. It is probable that this triangular object is a female talisman. It is not without interest to observe in this connection that to bring a bull as an offering to the goddess of fertility is an important part of the Hindu marriage ritual. The Proto-Indian cosmographie and mythological concepts and the corresponding iconography naturally, in more or less transformed shape, have unquestionably entered into the structure of later religious systems of IndiaHinduism, Buddhism, and Jainism—just as the Proto-Indian culture as a whole appears to be an important structural part of the later Indian culture.

Some of his ideas, in fact, are quite ingenious but they are usually speculative in nature and lack adequate documentation. The discussion often lacks historical perspective and discrimination. The contemporary state of affairs in Hinduism is compared with what are presumably the very foundations of the really unknown Proto-Indian iconography and cosmography. The terminology too leaves something to be desired. Similarly "ectosaur" is used for a five-headed starfish.

One wonders why he did not use instead therion or zoon if he needed to coin terms at all. He often refers to the "branch" which is worn on the head of the goddess and the eupposed proto-Siva figure, but examination of the various photographs of the seals e.

Further, there may actually be two types of branch or trident. It would appear that the two may be distinct signs. Similarly, it is not at all clear if the various representations are male or female—cf. For a discussion of the sex of the Indus deity or deities see Herbert P. The author presumably had in mind Tamil hant-an 'warrior, husband', kan-a-van 'husband', Malayalam lcantan 'the male, especially of a cat', etc.

Sanskrit ganda-, gandira- 'hero' DED , which, however, can hardly be connected at all with the word for 'rhinoceros'. Further, all native speakers consulted by the reviewer refused to accept this meaning as within the realm of even remote possibility. In addition, what follows this discussion in reference to the supposed calquing into Sanskrit nara is ridiculous speculation.

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