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The purpose of the march was to advocate for the civil and economic rights of African Americans. At the march, Martin Luther King Jr.

The march was organized by A. Philip Randolph and Bayard Rustin , who built an alliance of civil rights, labor, and religious organizations [4] that came together under the banner of "jobs and freedom.

The march is credited with helping to pass the Civil Rights Act of [9] [10] and preceded the Selma Voting Rights Movement which led to the passage of the Voting Rights Act of Although African Americans had been legally freed from slavery , elevated to the status of citizens and the men given full voting rights at the end of the American Civil War , many continued to face social, economic, and political repression over the years and into the s.

In the early s, a system of legal discrimination, known as Jim Crow laws , were pervasive in the American South , ensuring that Black Americans remained oppressed. They also experienced discrimination from businesses and governments, and in some places were prevented from voting through intimidation and violence.

The impetus for a march on Washington developed over a long period of time, and earlier efforts to organize such a demonstration included the March on Washington Movement of the s. With Bayard Rustin , Randolph called for , black workers to march on Washington, [4] in protest of discriminatory hiring by U.

Roosevelt issued Executive Order on June Randolph and Rustin continued to organize around the idea of a mass march on Washington. They envisioned several large marches during the s, but all were called off despite criticism from Rustin. The march was an important part of the rapidly expanding Civil Rights Movement , which involved demonstrations and nonviolent direct action across the United States.

Many whites and blacks also came together in the urgency for change in the nation. Violent confrontations broke out in the South: Most of these incidents involved white people retaliating against nonviolent demonstrators. Some called for a complete shutdown of the city through civil disobedience.

Others argued that the movement should remain nationwide in scope, rather than focus its energies on the nation's capital. Kennedy invited African-American novelist James Baldwin , along with a large group of cultural leaders, to a meeting in New York to discuss race relations. However, the meeting became antagonistic, as black delegates felt that Kennedy did not have a full understanding of the race problem in the nation. The public failure of the meeting, which came to be known as the Baldwin—Kennedy meeting , underscored the divide between the needs of Black America and the understanding of Washington politicians.

However, the meeting also provoked the Kennedy administration to take action on the civil rights for African-Americans. Kennedy gave his famous civil rights address on national television and radio, announcing that he would begin to push for civil rights legislation—the law which eventually became the Civil Rights Act of That night, Mississippi activist Medgar Evers was murdered in his own driveway, further escalating national tension around the issue of racial inequality.

Philip Randolph and Bayard Rustin began planning the march in December They envisioned two days of protest, including sit-ins and lobbying followed by a mass rally at the Lincoln Memorial. They wanted to focus on joblessness and to call for a public works program that would employ blacks. In early they called publicly for "a massive March on Washington for jobs".

The unionists offered tentative support for a march that would be focused on jobs. In June , leaders from several different organizations formed the Council for United Civil Rights Leadership , an umbrella group which would coordinate funds and messaging. King in particular had become well known for his role in the Birmingham campaign and for his Letter from Birmingham Jail.

About two months before the march, the Big Six broadened their organizing coalition by bringing on board four white men who supported their efforts: Together, the Big Six plus four became known as the "Big Ten. The six of us, plus the four. We became like brothers. On June 22, the organizers met with President Kennedy, who warned against creating "an atmosphere of intimidation" by bringing a large crowd to Washington. The civil rights activists insisted on holding the march.

Wilkins pushed for the organizers to rule out civil disobedience and described this proposal as the "perfect compromise". King and Young agreed. Leaders from CORE and SNCC, who wanted to conduct direct actions against the Department of Justice, endorsed the protest before they were informed that civil disobedience would not be allowed. Finalized plans for the March were announced in a press conference on July 2.

Mobilization and logistics were administered by Rustin, a civil rights veteran and organizer of the Journey of Reconciliation , the first of the Freedom Rides to test the Supreme Court ruling that banned racial discrimination in interstate travel. Rustin was a long-time associate of both Randolph and Dr.

With Randolph concentrating on building the march's political coalition, Rustin built and led the team of two hundred activists and organizers who publicized the march and recruited the marchers, coordinated the buses and trains, provided the marshals, and set up and administered all of the logistic details of a mass march in the nation's capital. The march was not universally supported among civil rights activists. Some, including Rustin who assembled 4, volunteer marshals from New York , were concerned that it might turn violent, which could undermine pending legislation and damage the international image of the movement.

March organizers themselves disagreed over the purpose of the march. Although in years past, Randolph had supported "Negro only" marches, partly to reduce the impression that the civil rights movement was dominated by white communists, organizers in agreed that whites and blacks marching side by side would create a more powerful image.

The Kennedy Administration cooperated with the organizers in planning the March, and one member of the Justice Department was assigned as a full-time liaison. To avoid being perceived as radical, organizers rejected support from Communist groups. However, some politicians claimed that the March was Communist-inspired, and the Federal Bureau of Investigation FBI produced numerous reports suggesting the same.

Sullivan produced a lengthy report on August 23 suggesting that Communists had failed to appreciably infiltrate the civil rights movement, FBI Director J. Edgar Hoover rejected its contents.

Organizers worked out of a building at West th St. By August 2, they had distributed 42, of the buttons. Their goal was a crowd of at least , people. As the march was being planned, activists across the country received bomb threats at their homes and in their offices. The Los Angeles Times received a message saying its headquarters would be bombed unless it printed a message calling the president a "Nigger Lover".

Five airplanes were grounded on the morning of August 28 due to bomb threats. Roy Wilkins was threatened with assassination if he did not leave the country.

Thousands traveled by road, rail, and air to Washington D. Marchers from Boston traveled overnight and arrived in Washington at 7am after an eight-hour trip, but others took much longer bus rides from places like Milwaukee, Little Rock, and St. Organizers persuaded New York's MTA to run extra subway trains after midnight on August 28, and the New York City bus terminal was busy throughout the night with peak crowds.

Maryland police reported that "by 8: One reporter, Fred Powledge, accompanied African-Americans who boarded six buses in Birmingham, Alabama, for the mile trip to Washington. The New York Times carried his report:. The demonstrators, of all ages, carried picnic baskets, water jugs, Bibles and a major weapon - their willingness to march, sing and pray in protest against discrimination. They gathered early this morning [August 27] in Birmingham's Kelly Ingram Park , where state troopers once [four months previous in May] used fire hoses and dog to put down their demonstrations.

It was peaceful in the Birmingham park as the marchers waited for the buses. The police, now part of a moderate city power structure, directed traffic around the square and did not interfere with the gathering An old man commented on the hour ride, which was bound to be less than comfortable: We don't have the money to fly in airplanes.

Contrary to the mythology, the early moments of the March—getting there—was no picnic. We didn't know what we would meet. There was no precedent. Sitting across from me was a black preacher with a white collar. He was an AME preacher. Every now and then, people on the bus sang 'Oh Freedom' and 'We Shall Overcome,' but for the most part there wasn't a whole bunch of singing. We were secretly praying that nothing violent happened. Other bus rides featured racial tension, as black activists criticized liberal white participants as fair-weather friends.

Rivers stated that she was impressed by Washington's civility: They treat you much nicer. Why, when I was out there at the march a white man stepped on my foot, and he said, "Excuse me," and I said "Certainly!

I believe that was the first time a white person has ever really been nice to me. Some participants who arrived early held an all-night vigil outside the Department of Justice , claiming it had unfairly targeted civil rights activists and that it had been too lenient on white supremacists who attacked them. A total of 5, police officers were on duty.

The Pentagon readied 19, troops in the suburbs. For the first time since Prohibition , liquor sales were banned in Washington D. Stadium, was nearly four miles from the Lincoln Memorial rally site. Rustin and Walter Fauntroy negotiated some security issues with the government, gaining approval for private marshals with the understanding that these would not be able to act against outside agitators. The organizers originally planned to hold the march outside of the Capitol Building.

Rustin pushed hard for an expensive sound system, maintaining "We cannot maintain order where people cannot hear. Its operators were unable to repair it. Fauntroy contacted Attorney General Robert Kennedy and his civil rights liaison Burke Marshall , demanding that the government fix the system. Fauntroy reportedly told them: Do you want a fight here tomorrow after all we've done?

The march commanded national attention by preempting regularly scheduled television programs. As the first ceremony of such magnitude ever initiated and dominated by African Americans, the march also was the first to have its nature wholly misperceived in advance.

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